Senate GOP leader John Thune speaks in the Capitol amid shutdown strategy talks.GOP Fractures Over Shutdown Strategy and No-Offset Spending Bill
Intra-Party Split Detected
House and Senate Republicans, and factions within the House GOP, disagree sharply over reconciliation 3.0: conservatives balk at unoffset defense spending and an insufficient SAVE Act, House and Senate leaders diverge on strategy (Johnson vs. Thune), and appropriators like Collins and Valadao push back on using reconciliation for spending or forcing early CR votes.
Left says
- •Democrats warn Republicans against a 'my-way-or-the-highway' approach on a clean continuing resolution, signaling they won't simply hand the GOP votes without addressing their own priorities, like expiring Obamacare subsidies.
- •The push to pair defense and election-related spending with no offsets highlights Republican willingness to add to the deficit when it serves their political priorities, undercutting claims of fiscal discipline.
- •Wrapping Iran war funding into a reconciliation package with unrelated partisan measures like the SAVE America Act appears designed to shield Republicans from a direct, standalone vote on military funding that could prove unpopular.
- •Democrats point to the administration's large defense spending requests and inflexibility on top-line numbers as the real obstacle to a smooth, bipartisan appropriations process.
Right says
- •Fiscal conservatives insist that any major spending package, especially one including $67 billion in defense funding, must include offsets rather than adding to the debt, which they tie directly to the affordability crisis hitting American families.
- •Many House Republicans feel shut out of key negotiations, such as the Camp David talks, and believe leadership is rushing a complex reconciliation package without adequate input from rank-and-file members.
- •Supporters of the SAVE America Act argue voter ID and election integrity provisions are a top priority for the base and for President Trump, and worry that a watered-down grant-incentive version won't go far enough.
- •Republicans see forcing an early, likely-doomed continuing resolution vote as a strategic move to demonstrate to voters that Democrats won't cooperate on funding the government, building political cover before pivoting to reconciliation.
Common Take
High Consensus- Both parties recognize that a government shutdown just before the midterm elections carries significant political risk for whichever side is blamed.
- Members across the GOP acknowledge the party remains divided over both the shutdown strategy and the contents of the reconciliation package.
- Senate and House Republicans agree the appropriations process has become more difficult and politicized than in past years.
- Both sides recognize that McConnell's absence and the Senate's narrow margins complicate an already difficult funding timeline before the September 30 deadline.
The Arguments
Left argues
Republicans routinely campaign on fiscal discipline, yet the reconciliation package includes $67 billion in new defense spending with no offsets, exposing a willingness to add to the deficit whenever it serves their political priorities.
Right counters
GOP leaders argue the lack of offsets is a tactical necessity to keep the bill Byrd-rule compliant and passable in the Senate, not a repudiation of fiscal conservatism, and many rank-and-file Republicans like Warren Davidson are actively fighting to include pay-fors.
Right argues
Fiscal conservatives insist that piling $67 billion in defense spending onto the debt without offsets directly worsens the affordability crisis squeezing American families, and they see this as a betrayal of core Republican principles regardless of procedural justifications.
Left counters
Democrats note that Republicans control the White House, House, and Senate, so any failure to include offsets is entirely a GOP-created problem, not something Democrats forced upon them, undermining the claim that fiscal responsibility is a shared priority.
Left argues
By wrapping Iran war funding into a reconciliation package stuffed with unrelated partisan priorities like the SAVE America Act, Republicans avoid a clean, standalone vote on military funding that could prove unpopular and expose divisions within their own ranks.
Right counters
Some Republicans, like Rep. Nick LaLota, counter that they'd welcome a clean bipartisan supplemental on Iran war funding if Democrats would actually support it, and argue it's Democratic unwillingness to negotiate in good faith on defense funding that pushes the GOP toward reconciliation in the first place.
Right argues
Many House Republicans, including Budget Committee member Erin Houchin, feel genuinely shut out of pivotal negotiations like the Camp David talks, and believe leadership is rushing a complex, high-stakes reconciliation package without adequate input from rank-and-file members.
Left counters
Democrats would argue this internal GOP dysfunction — a party unable to coordinate with its own members on its own priorities — undercuts Republican claims that they're the responsible governing party capable of delivering a smooth appropriations process.
Right argues
Forcing an early, likely-doomed continuing resolution vote lets Republicans demonstrate to voters that Democrats won't cooperate on basic government funding, building political cover before the party pivots to reconciliation and blame-shifts any shutdown onto Democrats.
Left counters
Democrats counter that this is a transparent political stunt scheduled two months before any real funding deadline, and that the real obstacle to bipartisan appropriations is the administration's outsized, inflexible defense spending requests, not Democratic obstruction.
Challenge Questions
These questions target genuine internal contradictions — meant to provoke honest reflection.
Right asks Left
“If Democrats say they won't simply hand Republicans votes on a clean CR without addressing priorities like Obamacare subsidies, how is that different from the 'my-way-or-the-highway' approach they're accusing Republicans of taking?”
Left asks Right
“If fiscal conservatives insist that debt-financed spending is unacceptable and driving the affordability crisis, why are they simultaneously willing to abandon offsets on tens of billions in defense spending simply because leadership says it's procedurally necessary to pass the Senate?”
Outlier Report
Left Fringe
Progressive deficit hawks and government-accountability voices like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's allies who'd oppose defense spending on both anti-militarism and fiscal grounds represent maybe 15-20% of the left, a more ideologically motivated critique than the mainstream Democratic messaging focused on ACA subsidies.
Right Fringe
Hardline Freedom Caucus members like Rep. Chip Roy, Rep. Andy Ogles, and Rep. Warren Davidson who insist on strict offsets and full SAVE Act provisions represent perhaps 20-25% of the right, more absolutist than mainstream GOP voters who care about spending but prioritize practical governance.
Noise Assessment
Extremely high noise-to-signal ratio; this is a niche Capitol Hill process story driven by insider lawmaker quotes (Axios, The Hill) that the vast majority of the public has never heard of and has no strong opinion on.
Sources (9)
<p>House Speaker <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/10/mike-johnson-house-failed-rule-votes" target="_blank">Mike Johnson</a> (R-La.) wants to hold a conspicuously early vote on a short-term funding bill next week — more than two months before the government runs out of money.</p><p><strong>Why it matters:</strong> Johnson may be setting himself up to win in September by losing in July.</p><hr /><ul><li>A failed vote on a short-term spending stopgap could potentially strengthen the GOP leader's hand in another difficult challenge: securing $67 billion for the Pentagon to replenish its munitions through the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/14/mike-johnson-house-republicans-reconciliation" target="_blank">reconciliation process</a>, according to conservative lawmakers.</li></ul><p><strong>An early defeat </strong>on a continuing resolution would give Johnson a pretext to shoehorn a spending stopgap bill into a September reconciliation package.</p><ul><li>Call it Reconciliation 3.0 <em>Plus</em>.</li><li>"The Dems know, 'OK, if we don't do the CR, we'll do it in a [reconciliation] bill," Rep. Eric Burlison (R-Mo.) told Axios.</li></ul><p><strong>What we're watching:</strong> Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) are on starkly different wavelengths when it comes to a third reconciliation package.</p><ul><li>"You've got to think long and hard about this. It's a much easier proposition in the House," Thune said Thursday.</li><li>But pairing a continuing resolution with reconciliation could have two advantages. First, it makes it harder for House Republicans to oppose the package.</li><li>It would also present the Senate with a take-it-or-leave-it choice: accept the House reconciliation bill or share the blame for a government shutdown.</li></ul><p><strong>Zoom out:</strong> Republicans <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/10/government-shutdown-congress-republicans-midterm-elections" target="_blank">are increasingly worried</a> about spending the final month of the midterm campaign defending a government shutdown.</p><ul><li>House Republicans have little confidence Democrats will provide the votes needed to pass a funding extension.</li><li>The planned July vote is designed to put both Democrats and the Senate on notice that Republicans don't believe they can count on bipartisan support for a continuing resolution.</li></ul><p><strong>The other side:</strong> GOP senators are deeply skeptical about pivoting to a CR in July.</p><ul><li>They want to give the regular appropriations process time to work. And they are aware that public talk of a stopgap measure risks undercutting bipartisan negotiations over full-year spending bills.</li></ul><p><strong>Driving the news:</strong> Johnson said Thursday he plans to bring a clean continuing resolution to the House floor next week before lawmakers leave for the August recess. (The Senate is scheduled to remain in session for two additional weeks.)</p><ul><li>But there's little reason to believe it will pass.</li><li>House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) didn't rule out Democratic support for a clean CR but warned Republicans against taking a "my-way-or-the-highway approach."</li><li>Meanwhile, some conservatives are threatening to oppose any must-pass spending bill that doesn't include the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/30/house-republicansstuck-save-america-act" target="_blank">SAVE America Act</a>. Johnson told reporters he "hasn't decided" whether to attach the measure.</li></ul><p><strong>Between the lines: </strong>Conservatives have been pushing leaders to use reconciliation to fund parts of the government, and a failed CR vote could give Johnson political cover with frustrated appropriators.</p><ul><li>But the strategy has its detractors.</li><li>"I've heard it talked about, and I think it's a bad idea," Rep. David Valadao (R-Calif.), an Appropriations Committee member, told Axios last month about using reconciliation for appropriations.</li></ul><p><strong>Yes, but:</strong> That entire strategy rests on Republicans actually passing a third reconciliation bill — a prospect about which many lawmakers remain <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/15/house-republicans-budget-save-act-iran-war-jd-vance" target="_blank">skeptical</a>.</p><p><strong>The bottom line:</strong> Even if the continuing resolution fails, forcing the vote allows Johnson to argue that Republicans exhausted the normal appropriations process before turning to reconciliation.</p>
<p>Vice President Vance's pitch to House Republicans on Wednesday did little to ease concerns over Speaker Mike Johnson's <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/14/mike-johnson-house-republicans-reconciliation" target="_blank">$95 billion reconciliation package</a>, leaving GOP leaders with work to do ahead of a planned floor vote next week.</p><p><strong>Why it matters:</strong> Johnson's conference members remain uneasy about the lack of spending offsets, and disagreements persist over the details of their <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/25/mike-johnson-trump-save-america-act" target="_blank">signature election bill</a>. </p><hr /><ul><li>Republicans hold a razor-thin majority, so a handful of defections could sink the measure.</li></ul><p><strong>"It's DOA,"</strong> Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) told Axios.</p><ul><li>"Five-dollar footlongs are $12. People know that a lot of this is the debt. The deficits cause big debt, and overall, this debases the money. This is part of what's driving the affordability crisis."</li><li>"A no-offset plan is dead on arrival, because, frankly, three of us would kill it," Davidson added.</li></ul><p><strong>Driving the news:</strong> Vance spent roughly an hour with House Republicans pitching the legislation and taking questions, according to multiple members in the room.</p><ul><li>Asked afterward why the package lacks offsets, Vance told reporters: "Ultimately, we decided this legislation, for a whole host of procedural reasons, was not the place in order to codify some of the things that we're doing in the anti-fraud task force."</li><li>Johnson has been framing the lack of pay-fors as necessary to maximize the package's chances of success in the Senate. </li><li>"I don't know if I buy all of that," Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said when asked about Johnson's argument. </li></ul><p><strong>House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington</strong> (R-Texas) told Axios that "yes," he's confident the measure will get through his committee, where it's up for a vote Thursday.</p><ul><li>But Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), who sits on the panel, told Axios he's "undecided."</li><li>"I think the stupidest thing to do would be to try to jam it through committee when we've got bigger problems on the House floor," Roy <a href="https://x.com/em_luetkemeyer/status/2077477574025036003?s=20" target="_blank">told reporters</a>. "And I think that might be the current state of affairs." </li><li>Another Budget Committee member, Rep. Erin Houchin (R-Ind.), who has privately complained about being left out of last weekend's Camp David negotiations, also remains wary of the package.</li></ul><p><strong>Between the lines:</strong> The lack of offsets isn't the only headache for Johnson. His proposed <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/25/mike-johnson-trump-save-america-act" target="_blank">SAVE America Act</a> provisions aren't going far enough for some conservatives, either.</p><ul><li>For them, a proposed grant program to incentivize states to pass voter ID laws is insufficient. </li><li>"That's just free money for Florida," Rep. Randy Fine (R-Fla.) said of the grant program. Blue states "will never take the grant money. I'm not a big fan of carrots. I like sticks."</li></ul><p><strong>Yes, but:</strong> Senate Republicans have warned that including the full SAVE Act would likely fail to meet the parliamentary standard for reconciliation bills in the Senate known as the "Byrd bath."</p><ul><li>That isn't swaying some House conservatives. "I don't worship at the altar of Senate procedure," Fine said.</li></ul><p><strong>The other side:</strong> "It's better than nothing," Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) told Axios of the grant program.</p><ul><li>"Our budgetary concerns do not overwhelm our focus on getting SAVE America. ... For the first time, I feel highly confident that we are going to get it done," Rep. Clay Higgins (R-La.) told Axios.</li></ul><p><strong>In the Senate,</strong> Republican leaders remain broadly skeptical of a third supplemental spending package, and rank-and-file senators are already signaling they want changes to the House bill.</p><ul><li><strong>Sen. Ron Johnson</strong> (R-Wis.), who will replace the late Sen. Lindsey Graham as chair of the Budget Committee, is warning that the Senate may insist on offsetting at least some of the spending.</li><li>"I've got other members on the committee that also insist on offsets," he told Politico.</li><li>"Offsets would be a desired goal," Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.) said.</li></ul><p><strong>Others are pushing </strong>for a more ambitious package.</p><ul><li>"I think it should be bigger," Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) said.</li></ul><p><strong>Still, some Republicans </strong>say they want to give the House room to finish its work before drawing battle lines.</p><ul><li>"We're going to try and get her done," Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.) told Axios. "We thought they would have offsets in there. We're a little surprised they weren't."</li></ul>
<p>House Speaker Mike Johnson is in an uncomfortably familiar spot: under pressure from President <a href="https://www.axios.com/politics-policy/donald-trump" target="_blank">Trump</a>, under fire from members and under the gun to advance a reconciliation bill in just a few days.</p><p><strong>Why it matters:</strong> Johnson (R-La.) is trying to tee up a final <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/10/reconciliation-house-gop-trump-obbb" target="_blank">party-line legislative package</a> before the midterms, but Republicans remain divided over the contents of the bill and the strategy behind it.</p><hr /><ul><li>GOP leaders are assembling a narrow framework that would include roughly $67 billion for defense, $20 billion for agriculture and farm aid, and elements of the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/24/trump-delays-housing-bill-save-act" target="_blank">SAVE America Act</a>.</li><li>The prospect of no offsets for billions of dollars in defense funding is not sitting well with conservatives. "No, I'm not," Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.) said when asked whether he's comfortable with no pay-fors.</li><li>Other members are frustrated about the lack of information: "Most of the conference has been kept in the dark on what exactly is going on," Rep. Nicole Malliotakis (R-N.Y.) told Axios.</li></ul><p><strong>Driving the news:</strong> The White House has launched a full-court press to shore up support for the package ahead of Thursday's Budget Committee markup and a planned House vote next week.</p><ul><li>Johnson and House GOP leaders met with President Trump at the White House on Tuesday afternoon to discuss the path forward.</li><li>Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was scheduled to meet with roughly a dozen conservative lawmakers Tuesday evening to discuss the defense funding portion of the package.</li><li>OMB Director Russ Vought addressed House Freedom Caucus members Monday night.</li></ul><p><strong>Yes, but: </strong>The administration's lobbying blitz hasn't solved every problem. </p><ul><li>Budget Committee member <a href="https://x.com/RepHouchin/status/2077052455854952830?s=20" target="_blank">Erin Houchin</a> (R-Ind.) told her colleagues in a closed-door conference meeting Tuesday that she was leaning toward opposing the bill during the committee markup after she was left out of negotiations at Camp David over the weekend, a source in the room told Axios.</li><li>"There's a limited amount of space, unfortunately," Rep. Jay Obernolte (R-Calif.) told Axios. "I don't blame her for being upset about it." </li><li>"Somebody's got to be chosen and somebody isn't. Just because you're not doesn't say anything negative," Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) told Axios.</li></ul><p><strong>Another flashpoint: </strong>Some Republicans believe leadership should first test whether a bipartisan supplemental to <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/25/trump-white-house-congress-request-iran-war-us-farmers-ebola" target="_blank">fund the war in Iran</a> can pass before falling back on reconciliation if necessary.</p><ul><li>Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.) told Axios that bipartisan negotiations on a supplemental remain "a live discussion."</li><li>"I am hopeful that if that becomes specific, a specific proposal that doesn't have other partisan initiatives, it would enjoy the support of members from across the aisle," he said. </li><li>Rather than forcing Democrats to vote directly on funding the war in Iran, Republicans are including billions in defense funding in a reconciliation package that includes other measures Democrats would never go for, like the SAVE America Act.</li></ul><p><strong>Between the lines: </strong>Democrats have an easier political off-ramp when defense funding is wrapped into reconciliation.</p><ul><li>A clean supplemental, by contrast, would force Democrats to cast a straightforward vote on military funding — something Republicans believe could either attract bipartisan support or provide a potent campaign message if Democrats block it.</li></ul>
<p>Speaker Mike Johnson will face the same problem next week that he faced last week: a bloc of Republicans willing to shut down the House floor over the GOP's signature election bill, the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/30/house-republicansstuck-save-america-act" target="_blank">SAVE Act</a>.</p><p><strong>Why it matters:</strong> It's difficult to see how Johnson (R-La.) will overcome the paralysis that has overtaken the House floor — and Republicans across the conference are increasingly frustrated.</p><hr /><ul><li>Johnson presided over the ninth failed <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/13/speaker-johnson-house-slim-majority-rule-rebellions-thomas-massie" target="_blank">rule vote</a> of his less-than-three-year-long speakership last week, this one tanked by 13 of his members. </li><li>Frustration in the conference with a small band of conservatives who keep using procedural rule votes — once a rubber stamp for the majority — as leverage to force action on unrelated priorities extends well beyond the speaker and his leadership team.</li><li>It was the fifth failed vote on a rule in this Congress, and the 12th since Republicans took the majority in January 2023. Before that, a rule hadn't failed in <a href="https://www.notus.org/analysis/congress-there-are-no-rules-mike-johnson-republicans-legislation" target="_blank">two decades</a>. </li></ul><p><strong>Driving the news: </strong>For the last two working weeks, Johnson was forced to scrap planned legislative business and end the House's week early after his members took down a rule vote.</p><ul><li>The bulk of those members tanked last week's vote on the National Defense Authorization Act because it doesn't include an amendment on the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/25/mike-johnson-trump-save-america-act" target="_blank">SAVE Act</a>.</li><li>The SAVE Act was also the culprit the previous week.</li></ul><p><strong>Between the lines: </strong>The <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/13/speaker-johnson-house-slim-majority-rule-rebellions-thomas-massie" target="_blank">repeated shutdowns</a> of House floor action are wearing on members who say they're wasting valuable legislative time to make a point that won't change the bill's prospects in the Senate.</p><p><strong>What they're saying</strong>: "The SAVE America Act? It's over there," Rep. Carlos Giménez (R-Fla.) told Axios in the Capitol last month, gesturing toward the Senate. "We did our thing. ... You think you're going to force, over here, them to do something different?"</p><ul><li>"That's insane, and I don't play insane."</li><li>"The votes are where they are. I mean, you just got to accept reality," Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) told Axios.</li></ul><p><strong>Asked about the standstill,</strong> Johnson told "Fox News Sunday" that he "just decided it was best to send everybody home to go celebrate July 4 in their districts.'</p><ul><li>"We'll come back, gather everybody together," he said, adding that there was a "big urgency" to pass the SAVE Act before the November midterms. </li><li>"The President has that as a top priority, and so do I."</li></ul><p><strong>What's next: </strong>Johnson hopes to pass a version of the SAVE Act that would create a grant program incentivizing states to adopt voter ID laws through reconciliation, a process that would only require a simple majority in the Senate. </p><ul><li>But some hardliners are already saying grants wouldn't be enough.</li><li>And GOP leaders are quickly running out of time to pass a third reconciliation bill.</li></ul>
<p>Senate Republicans are anxious to avoid giving Democrats another opening to force a <a href="https://www.axios.com/2025/11/10/schumer-government-shutdown-democrats" target="_blank">government shutdown</a> weeks before the midterm elections.</p><p><strong>Why it matters: </strong>The appropriations process is a slog, Sen. <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/07/mitch-mcconnell-health-senate-gop-leaders" target="_blank">Mitch McConnell's</a> absence adds a complication, and election season raises the stakes. Add to that the Senate is haunted by <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/01/14/house-government-funding-shutdown" target="_blank">three shutdowns</a> in the past year.</p><hr /><ul><li>The annual, nuts-and-bolts funding process used to be more bipartisan, but it has become increasingly politicized.</li><li>It's only July, and senators are already talking about kicking the can down the road.</li></ul><p><strong>What we're hearing:</strong> During multiple closed-door lunches before the Fourth of July break, senators raised fears about Democrats forcing another shutdown fight, multiple sources familiar with the discussions tell us.</p><ul><li>In the meetings, Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) has stressed the need to ensure the Senate is not trapped in another funding emergency right before the election. </li><li>Some senators are pushing for a short-term funding bill, known as a continuing resolution, to get them through the midterms.</li></ul><p><strong>Zoom in:</strong> Appropriations Chair Susan Collins (R-Maine) still wants to stick with the normal funding process to avoid a CR.</p><ul><li>But Collins has been vocal about her frustration with Democrats' unwillingness to vote for the funding bills in committee.</li><li>Appropriations Vice Chair Patty Murray's (D-Wash.) "threat to vote against all of the appropriations bills, including those Democrats have helped draft, is contrary to the way I always operated with her when our roles were reversed," Collins told reporters last month.</li></ul><p><strong>Democrats, meanwhile</strong>, have blamed the Trump administration's hefty budget requests, including $1.5 trillion for defense spending. They accuse Republicans of being unwilling to negotiate on the top-line defense and non-defense spending.</p><ul><li>"We made it clear to the Republicans that we are not going to accept a gigantic war budget offer, that they have to be reasonable," Murray told reporters last month.</li><li>The Trump administration also asked Congress last month for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/06/25/trump-white-house-congress-request-iran-war-us-farmers-ebola" target="_blank">$87.6 billion</a> in supplemental funding, most of it to cover costs related to the Iran war.</li></ul><p><strong>The intrigue: </strong>McConnell's (R-Ky.) medical absence from the Senate could make the hard job of fully funding government agencies even harder. </p><ul><li>The Appropriations Committee already had to delay markups of spending bills in part due to McConnell's hospitalization.</li><li>There is only a one-seat margin on the Appropriations panel, and Republicans worry they can't count on Democratic votes as they have in the past.</li><li>McConnell also chairs the subcommittee for defense appropriations — putting him in charge of one of the most pivotal spending bills and playing a key role in the requested supplemental package for Iran.</li></ul><p><strong>The details: </strong>The deadline to fund the government next fiscal year is Sept. 30, about a month before the midterm elections.</p><ul><li>The Senate is scheduled to be in recess all of October, to allow those up for reelection to focus on campaigning in their states.</li><li>All that could be derailed if the government does not get funded.</li></ul><p><strong>Catch up quick: </strong>Last October, the government began a 10-plus-week shutdown as Democrats demanded an extension to expiring <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/07/08/obamacare-aca-premiums-price-jump" target="_blank">Obamacare tax credits</a>.</p><ul><li>At the start of the year, there was another brief shutdown because of disputes over Homeland Security funding after fatal ICE shootings.</li><li>DHS was then left unfunded for months. Now the department has been funded through the rest of President Trump's term. If a shutdown occurs in the fall, DHS would not be affected.</li></ul>
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